Their ring of cartooning in Nigeria is still in a state of flux, which makes it really presumptuous to want to speak of some supposedly rock-solid traditions that are 'paradigmatic' But I will do some labelling and categorisation nonetheless, for there is no such thing as a flux without form or pattern, if only we look with care. The challenge here is not to invest emerging patterns and practices with the solidity and finality they obviously do not possess. Tejumola Olaniyan From a list of several possible areas of examination and comparison, I have chosen four from which to study the cartoons: the degree of iconicity, combination of words and pictures, the use of perspectives and finally the African Quarterly on the Arts Vol. 2/No. 2 GLENDORA ™»... use of panels. These four areas would form the basis from which I will make some clear distinctions and outline apparent traditions. Nigerian car- Scale of Iconicity The scale of iconicity measures the degree of likeness or non-likeness of a cartoonist's images to actuality Although cartooning is defined precisely by some distance to actuality, which is achieved mostly by amplification through simplification, cartooning cannotdisregard actuality entirely because it is highly dependent on viewer identification, more so than the other graphic arts. Embodied in cartooning is thus simultaneously a prescriptive and proscriptive challenge in which to be more iconic, i.e. 'realistic,' is to lose its cartoonish, i.e. caricaturist, essence, while to turn the other way round and be less iconic, i.e 'abstract,' is to lose its referential power and thus its audience and function. A cartoon, strictly speaking, cannot exist at either end of the spectrum. This sounds quite circumscriptive but cartoonists have created virtually endless and exciting possibilities inbetween the two poles This is why it is possible to construct a scale, not between the absolutes of iconic and indexical or abstract, but of degrees of iconicity inbetween the two. toonists operate mainly within one of three levels of iconicity, expressed comparatively (or in relative terms) as iconic, less iconic, and least iconic. The iconic cartoons privilegea resemblance to reality — as far as cartoons can do that and still be cartoons and not photographs —and are usually marked by a wealth I Polio* gat MiSm I for ammunition - N«w« Ropnct Ch«il To klH foreign nwmlHiir Moariwn?" Plate2 of visual details. Most often, the human subjects of the cartoons are easily recognisable public officials or stereotypes (the poor 'common' man or woman, the super-rich man or'cash-madam,' the farmer, the army officer, etc). Because the cartoons grant the viewer such an express visual access without much intellectual challenge, the iconic cartoons are generally the most viewerfriendly and, given the cartoonist's artistry, generally the most popular. A ma|ority of Nigerian cartoonists operate at the iconic level. This group includes such notable figures as pioneer Akinola Lasekan, JosyAjiboye, AdeOgundero, BayoorOdulana, Mooyiwa Original, cartoonists from National Concord newspapers, and practically all the cartoonists that have ever published in The Punch newspapers. The Punch cartoonists, which include such popular figures as Kenny Adamson, Mooyiwa Collins, Chris Nworjih, Sanmi Abejide, Femi Jolaoso, Tayo Fatunla, Leke Moses, and others, so consistently and with great artistic refinement deployed the visual possibilities of this level of iconicity that they best define it. If there is ever such a designation as a Punch 'school' or 'tradition' of cartooning in Nigeria— which is one of my propositions here—the cartoonists' comparatively more iconic images would be one of its foremost distinguishing features, [plates 1,2,3] The cartoons of the second, less iconic, level care little for the canon of resemblance to reality. They are generally stingy in providing visual details, at least of the type that would make their human subjects recognisable. On the contrary, most of the cartoonists in this group deal with conceptual stock characters etched out in plain lines with very little adornment. Cliff Ogiugo's 'little joe' series published in Sunday Times in the early 1 970s, is one of the earliest examples [plates 4,5]. dele jegede's 'Kole the Menace' series, published in the same Plate3 newspaper in the second half of the 1 970s, appears stylistically and conceptually similar to Ogiugo's [6]. If this is a case of artistic influence, then it is certainly a productive one, for jegede's bare lines are infinitely more self-assured, and his cartoon panels more sparkling clean than Ogiugo's often needlessly cluttered spaces and images. One could often see a vacillation in Ogiugo between the iconic and the less iconic even in the same cartoon, but jegede seems the more confident craftsman, certain about his aesthetic preferences. Jegede's iconic frugality is matched only by the perpetually pint-sized children that populate the world of the rascally little boy, Kole [plates 8,9]. More than we can say of Ogiugo, there seems to be quite close connections among legede's iconic miserliness, the small size of his characters, and the general economic austerity that began to grip the country during the last half of the 1970s—the period the series was created—a beginning austere period deeply inscribed in popular consciousness by the Head of State General Olusegun Obasanjo's famous visually resonant call for 'belt-tightening'; 'visually resonant' because of the General's own generously endowed stomach which often protrudes out of his military uniform. Apart from Ogiugo and jegede, other cartoonists operating atthe second, less iconic level include Ronke Adesanya [10], and most of the cartoonists of The Guardian newspapers. Infact, the Guardian cartoonists so decisively and brilliantly continue to exploit the resources of this iconic level that if we could talk of a Guardian 'school' or 'tradition' of cartooning—which is one of my propositions here—the cartoonists' comparatively meagre iconic images would be one of its foremost distinguishing features. Such cartoonists include Ebun Aleshinloye, Obi Azuru, Bassey Nnimo, Cheche Egbune, Sidenee Boe, Ake Didi Onu, ObeEss, and BisiOgunbadejo. Their cartoons are characterised by thin angular lines deployed to support a spartan economy of African Quarterly on the Arts Vol. 2/No 2 GLENDORA . .. SUNDAY IIMIS. Jvwot II. 1*70 r.^ II SUNOAT IIMIS. faknu>y 1 H'O • * . J l i t t l e joe-ciiff og - CM Ogi'ugo P/ofe4 Plate5 Plate6 African Quarterly on the Arts Vo/. 2^Vo. 2 NOW UXHL 6 ^ P/ofe visual expressivity, an economy that could barely support such visible emotions as laughter, fear surprise, etc, much less convey resemblance to actual individuals. It is for this reason that the cartoonists have perfected the art of generic characterisation: the characters created by each cartoonist look exactly the same frorn cartoon to cartoon, though as new characters in each cartoon rather than as individualised 'stars' in an on-going series, such as we have little joe in Ogiugo's 'little joe,' or Kole in jegede's 'Kole the Menace.' Most of these generic characters, for reasons to be speculated in a moment, are largely male. The acknowledged flag-bearer of the Guardian group of cartoonists is Bisi Ogunbadejo who appeared on the Nigerian cartooning scene with the establishment of that paper in the early 1980s [plates 11,12], His trade-mark character, with the conical hat, bulging eyes, and round-neck long-sleeve shirt, ushered in an era of pictorial minimalism that unleashed the cartoonist's creative imagination to soar beyond the earth- I Jap MUMMY... bound demands of resemblance and topicality to explore wholly conceptual matters in profoundly illuminating ways. His generic characters are differentiated only by such features as patterns on the dress and character size; the only other concession he makes is for the police or military characters who are usually drawn in their (abstracted) professional outfits. Otherwise, the pictorial repertoire of Ogunbadejo and his colleagues is a democratic interaction of apparently equal and look-alike characters. It is not difficult at all to sympathise with their cultivated indifference to differentiation as a critique of class and social status in a society that is status-crazy (cf. the 'Simply Mister' episode). But as in much of Nigerian, nay, African, radical discourse of the 1970s and 1980s, a campaign against class oppression is often waged with complete inattention to gender inequality. It should not even mildly shock us then that the supposedly democratic world is populated only by men. The least iconic is our third and final stop on the scale of African Quarterly on the Arts Vol. 2/No. 2 GLEN DOR A pstticoat •T ROMCI AOfSANVA Y0U TAtqf MV LAWO,*«O VdU DC. I T""T" dt^Mkrili we. vu a) TO we Hotice / t sw raeeet msfrru, «A«TI « Mice • • * • « • N X f m> aswls" 17 daiainad robbary tuipMtt ttffl M I rlw run - N.w. ll.port Plate 17 intimacy between the two. But the mutual independence is not to be mistaken for a superfluous relationship, because the integrity of each language—wordsand pictures—is maintained and the one does not necessarily pretend to directly complement the other, though the reader's mind often makes such a connection. As with the least iconic example, the chief practitioner here also is Sanya Ojikutu. Ojikutu does not use word-balloons—in this, he is like most Nigerian cartoonists, who do not use them but simply write into a boundless space within the panel, with a short line linking the words with the speaker; only Ogiugo and jegede use wordballoons more regularly. However Ojikutu is unlike any other Nigerian cartoonist in his use of typefaces, regular or italic, for his words, rather than hand-lettering. Whatthisdoes is to further reinforce the observed parallelism, to further set up a disjunction, a sort of 'alienation effect,' between the hand-drawn pictures and the typewritten words. Like the word-driven cartoonists however, the source of wit or humour in Ojikutu's cartoons are the words because, of course, the pictures do not 'show' much. The serious demands Ojikutu's pictorial style places on the viewer is complemented by his equally challenging word-picture combination. But there is a small and delicious contradiction here: the implacable process of decay and decomposition suggested by Ojikutu's fragile characters and flimsy pictorial lines is opposed—in fact, subverted—by his •typeface lettering style, which, like every typeface, gives the impressions of hardiness, resilience and solidity. Use of Perspective Virtually all Nigerian cartoonists have been quite conser- African Quarterly on the Arts Vol. 2/No. 2 GLENDORA .y.v. Plate 18b i., EvenysoPv is A African Quarterly on the Arts Vol. 2/No 2 JOSY AJIBOYE ON SUNDAY THE BAN ON 1MPOFT£D CARPETS ANDHU6S IS A BLESSING *v/r« you CHIEF.Bur HAS THt PRICE OF THE UXALU MADS 6ONEDOWM? Plate 19 Plate 20 )SY AJIBOYE ON SUNDAY BELIEVE ME, THIS, 7JME, I TRULY WANT TO HELP UGANDA Plate 21 Plate 22 & 23 THE CARTOONIST JULY 1992 vative in experimentation with perspective. Perspective, which indicates the presence of a point of view from a distinctive location, and refers 'specifically to the distance taken by the perceiver in relation to [an] object' (Saint-Martin 109), has enormous resources and possibilities in manipulating the reader's orientation and involvement. The established perspective with the cartoonists seem to be the conventional fiat eye-level, even with the quite experimental Ojikutu. From time to time, however, some of the cartoonists do tap into more striking perspectives such as bird's eye view or worm's eye view. This cartoon byjose Ajiboye deploys the worm's eye view to quite dramatic effect [plate 20]. The perspective makes the subject tower menacingly over the reader, a technique particularly appropriate both to the physical build as well as the public image of Idi Amin as a bulky bully and tyrant. Another fine example is this cartoon by Ebun Aleshinloye [plate 21 ], which beautifully sums up the hypocrisy and injustice of the giant, imperialist West in intimidating and preaching cleaner earth to nations of the south, though it had been, and still is, the prime destroyer of the global environment. African Quarterly on the Arts Vol 2/No 2 GLEN DORA Plate 24 Plate 25 [plate 17, 21]. Like the photograph, the single panel cartoon simply slices a moment for our viewing, and depends a lot on the viewer to transform that dead static moment into a living, dynamic one by constructing a story around it, that is, by interpreting it It demands that the cartoonist be accomplished in such techniques—applicable both to words and pictures—as The Use of Panels Finally, we should consider that very important though often overlooked aspect of cartoons: the cartoon panel. The panel, which frame the images and words, usually seems so naturally a part of the landscape of cartooning that it is rarely considered as a technical device in the hands of the cartoonist, much as literary critics rarely consider the size or shape of the page in their interpretations. The number, shape, size, and integrity of cartoon panels often affect the message in significant ways. This is why the panel is, properly speaking, a disciplinary device, a medium of control [Eisner 38]. The majority of Nigerian cartoonists use the single panel. This means that the action, event, or individual cartooned must be arrested in a moment and frozen in time and space, for the single panel can only represent one moment and one space. Any other time or space can be represented in the single panel only as, and through the, thoughts or dreams of the character(s) in the cartoon. Thus the conception of time and space that governs the single panel cartoon is essentially presentational and static. Please note that this is not the same as saying that motion is absent in the single panel cartoon. Indeed, cartoonists have perfected many techniques of depicting motion, such as streaking, blurring, or use of multiple images, within the single panel. In fact, most drawings of action—although the action had to be frozen to be drawn-often give the illusion of motion African Quarterlv on the Arts Vol 2